Elon Musk is presenting a unique hurdle for lobbyists, forcing them to bypass standard agency channels, decline potential clients, or employ unconventional strategies.
Lobbyists are finding themselves tasked not only with shielding companies from the fear of Musk’s erratic social media outbursts or a sweeping “DOGE” initiative cut that could damage their industry or nullify their contracts, but also from potential real estate investments related to the General Services Administration’s plans to sell federal buildings and business opportunities tied to Musk’s government software modernization efforts. | Samuel Corum/Getty Images By Sophia Cai and Daniel Lippman 03/20/2025 04:08 PM EDT Updated: 03/20/2025 04:18 PM EDT
Washington’s lobbying community is struggling to find an effective way to influence an unpredictable outsider like Elon Musk, who wields significant, albeit unofficial, power and is the world’s wealthiest individual. Successfully navigating Musk’s influence could yield substantial rewards. If K Street can decipher how to lobby him, they can capitalize on the widespread anxiety in Washington that compels companies and industries to commit to high-value retainers. “Washington is accustomed to structured processes where stakeholders contribute,” stated Alex Conant, co-founder of Firehouse Strategies. “Musk disregards all of that.” This frustration is prevalent across Washington, where private entities attempting to safeguard their projects—or trying to persuade “DOGE” to target a competitor, sometimes via the “DOGE” X account—are encountering the same obstacle. Musk operates with a singular objective: rapidly eliminating government waste, with little patience for conventional methods. Lobbyists are being asked not only to protect companies from the fear of Musk’s unpredictable social media attacks or a broad “DOGE” cut that could harm their industry or invalidate their contracts, but also about possible real estate investments tied to the General Services Administration’s plans to sell federal properties and business prospects arising from Musk’s effort to modernize government software. Lobbyists lacking direct connections to Musk’s inner circle are resorting to alternative tactics, such as working through traditional agency contacts or closely monitoring the “DOGE” leader’s social media activity. This report is based on conversations with ten Republican lobbyists and operatives attempting to navigate this new Washington landscape. “Every client is currently concerned,” said a GOP operative, who, like others, requested anonymity to discuss private conversations. “The issue is that this isn’t a typical administration, where you can simply call a staffer, schedule a meeting, publish a few op-eds, and persuade someone to your viewpoint. Elon Musk is nearly impossible to lobby. You must pursue unconventional avenues.” “DOGE” is being created on the fly. Musk has imported the Silicon Valley philosophy of “move fast and disrupt things” into the federal government, executing his agenda with a frantic urgency that has left businesses scrambling. He is also notoriously unsympathetic—a trait he views as crucial for managing a company and, now, a government initiative—making him a nightmare for lobbyists accustomed to building relationships for results.
Some lobbyists, unwilling to guarantee unattainable outcomes, are turning down clients with “DOGE” requests that seem impossible, such as preserving foreign development projects. Others are focusing their “DOGE”-related efforts on federal agencies or the “DOGE” Caucus on Capitol Hill. Or they are experimenting with unconventional methods, like contacting influencers Musk engages with on X or planting stories in conservative media. “DOGE” is being assembled as it progresses by individuals who remain far more embedded in their prior private sector professional networks than in any network of public policy experts,” stated Jeff Hauser of the left-leaning Revolving Door Project, which scrutinizes executive branch appointees. “Consequently, it wouldn’t surprise me if people or companies with whom Musk and his team previously collaborated before Trump’s inauguration maintain the best access to “DOGE” and the greatest influence with Musk.” One well-connected Trump lobbyist, granted anonymity to speak openly, said he has been flooded with requests to arrange “DOGE” meetings, most of which he declines because it’s an impossible task. “They all say, ‘I want to meet with the “DOGE” people,’ and we joke, ‘All right, just email [email address removed],'” he said, referencing the 19-year-old “DOGE” employee who previously used the online alias “Big Balls.” It’s not just attempts to save government contracts that have kept D.C. lobbyists busy—they’ve also been asked to identify potential opportunities arising from “DOGE’s” work. As the government seeks to sell federal buildings, another Republican lobbyist has been asked for information from real estate investors aiming to capitalize on these future sales from the General Services Administration. “There’s significant interest from real estate investors,” the person said. Musk is an enigma. The secrecy surrounding “DOGE” contributes to the perception that Musk is a mystery. He lacks a conventional political team, and his close circle of Silicon Valley loyalists and “DOGE” operatives executing his visions are difficult to reach. “How do you find these people? Are you going to start searching basements in government buildings?” the lobbyist asked sarcastically. MOST READ
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Those with pre-existing relationships with Musk—or who lead companies large enough to command his attention—have found ways to contact him directly. One company, mistakenly targeted by Musk, managed to correct the misunderstanding, convincing him that a different entity was responsible for the issue that triggered his scrutiny, according to a lobbyist with knowledge of the situation, granted anonymity to speak freely. For everyone else, the options are limited. Many have chosen to work through federal agencies, where some semblance of process and recognizable Trump allies in senior positions still exist. Others are turning to Capitol Hill, attempting to extract snippets of information on “DOGE’s” next moves from members of the “DOGE” caucus, including co-chairs Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), Rep. Pete Sessions (R-Texas), Rep. Blake Moore (R-Utah), and Rep. Aaron Bean (R-Fla.). While “DOGE” members have taken the lead on identifying cuts, Trump has publicly stated that his Cabinet will have the final say, so Washington operatives are working to preemptively frame their clients’ projects favorably before they are potentially eliminated. “Depending on the situation, you really have to engage with the political channels of each agency and say, ‘Hey, can we discuss this factually first?'” said an in-house Fortune 50 lobbyist, granted anonymity to discuss internal matters. “I believe there is value in that. If you can present a compelling case, they are willing to identify the issues…but it’s not easy.” The X factor. Another emerging strategy: leveraging Musk’s online habits and seeking indirect access. Given the billionaire’s constant engagement on X, lobbyists are analyzing the accounts he follows, attempting to influence him through his existing contacts. “Everyone in town is analyzing that list, strategizing how to reach them,” the Republican operative said of the approximately one thousand accounts that Musk follows. Among the influencers rumored to have direct access to Musk is Ian Miles Cheong, a Malaysian right-wing commentator and social media personality who contributes to Rebel News and has previously worked with The Daily Caller and Russian state media RT. Others in Musk’s circle who are considered potential access points include individuals like Trump’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr., conservative activist Charlie Kirk, and the right-wing influencer Chaya Raichik, who runs the account Libs of TikTok.
Some have succeeded by working through Musk’s Silicon Valley allies who have been assigned to agencies to work on “DOGE.” “I’ve been able to get information to Musk that way, knowing he will respond to them,” said a longtime D.C. lobbyist who has connections to two of Musk’s business associates now in Washington. Lacking direct access, other lobbyists are resorting to placing stories in right-wing media outlets like Breitbart or The Daily Caller, hoping that staffers will read them and take notice. However, no method is foolproof, and the new reality is difficult for some executives to accept. “Just because you donated money, or because you know someone, or you socialize together, it’s not changing the outcome of these decisions,” said one lobbyist. “That’s the hardest thing for people to accept.”
